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Introductory Sociology examines social structures, culture, socialization, stratification, race, gender, institutions, and social change. Exams test knowledge of key theorists — Durkheim, Weber, Marx — as well as the ability to apply sociological concepts to real-world scenarios. Practice exams reveal which frameworks you can use under pressure.

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Topics typically tested

  • Sociological perspectives (functionalism, conflict, symbolic interactionism)
  • Culture, norms & socialization
  • Social stratification & class
  • Race, ethnicity & inequality
  • Gender & sexuality
  • Social institutions (family, education, religion)

Sample Intro to Sociology exam questions

Three original questions in the style of a real Intro to Sociology exam, each with a worked solution. Your own practice exam can be built from your course's notes and syllabus.

Question 1Multiple choiceSociological perspectives (functionalism, conflict, symbolic interactionism)

A sociologist studying province-wide standardized testing argues that the tests persist not because they measure ability well, but because affluent families can buy tutoring and test preparation, converting their economic resources into high scores and credentials. The resulting rankings then make class advantage look like individual merit. Which theoretical perspective does this argument best illustrate, and why?

  1. A.

    Structural functionalism, because the tests perform the latent function of sorting students for the labour market.

  2. B.

    Conflict theory, because the tests reproduce existing class advantage while making it appear legitimate and earned.

  3. C.

    Symbolic interactionism, because test scores become labels that shape how students see themselves.

  4. D.

    Structural functionalism, because standardized testing is a manifest function that every modern school system requires.

Worked solution
Answer:B

Identify what the argument claims the institution does and for whom. The sociologist says testing (1) benefits one group, affluent families, at the expense of others, (2) converts economic resources into advantage, and (3) disguises that advantage as merit. Those three moves are the signature of conflict theory, which follows Marx (and later Weber) in asking how institutions maintain inequality and how dominant groups legitimize their position. The claim that schooling turns family wealth into credentials, and that the credential then looks earned, is also close to Pierre Bourdieu's account of how economic and cultural capital are reproduced through education.

Option A is the most tempting distractor because functionalists do argue that schools sort students. The difference is the evaluation: for a functionalist, sorting by ability benefits society as a whole (the Davis–Moore view that unequal rewards attract talent to important roles). The sociologist here denies that the tests measure ability and stresses who gains, which is a conflict claim, not a functionalist one.

Option C focuses on micro-level meaning and self-concept. Labelling is a real interactionist theme, but this argument is about resources and class structure, not face-to-face interaction. Option D misuses manifest function (an intended, recognized purpose) and makes an unsupported universal claim.

Answer: B — conflict theory, because the argument shows an institution reproducing class advantage and legitimizing it as merit.

Question 2Short answerCulture, norms & socialization

Classify each of the following as a violation of a folkway or a violation of mores, and state the kind of sanction each is likely to draw.

(a) A first-year student shows up to a job interview in pyjama pants.

(b) A student is caught submitting a purchased essay as their own work in a university course.

Then explain in one sentence what distinguishes the two categories of norm.

Worked solution
Answer:

(a) Folkway violation: informal, mild sanctions such as stares or not being hired. (b) Violation of mores: formal, serious sanctions such as a failing grade or suspension. Folkways govern everyday customs and carry little moral weight; mores are norms tied to a group's core moral values, so breaking them is treated as a threat to the group.

Sociologists following William Graham Sumner sort norms by how much moral weight a group attaches to them and how severely it reacts when they are broken.

(a) Pyjama pants at an interview: a folkway. Dress codes for interviews are customs about politeness and appropriateness. Nobody treats the student as immoral; the sanction is informal and mild, such as raised eyebrows, awkward comments or simply not getting the job. Breaking a folkway marks you as odd or rude, not dangerous.

(b) Submitting a purchased essay: mores. Honesty in evaluated work is tied to the university's core values about fairness and the meaning of a degree. The reaction is formal and serious, delivered by an institution following written rules: a zero on the assignment, a failing grade, a notation on the transcript or suspension. Because academic integrity is also written into university policy, this norm has been codified, which is how many mores become formal rules or laws.

The distinction. Folkways are the routine conventions of everyday life whose violation is a matter of manners; mores are norms rooted in a group's moral sense, so violating them is read as harming the group and brings strong, often formal, sanctions. The strongest mores, whose violation is almost unthinkable, are called taboos.

Answer: (a) folkway, informal mild sanction; (b) mores, formal severe sanction; folkways are matters of custom, mores are matters of morality.

Question 3Worked problemSocial stratification & class

Two residents of the same city are compared. Nadia is a retired university professor: her pension is modest, but she is regularly invited to sit on hospital and arts boards, quoted in the local press, and treated with deference at public events. Marcus won $9 million in a lottery three years ago, keeps it in bank deposits and the house he bought in the wealthiest neighbourhood, but is turned away from the private club on the hill and is not asked to join civic committees. Neither person owns a business or employs anyone.

(a) Explain how a strictly Marxian analysis of class would rank the two.

(b) Using Max Weber's three dimensions of stratification, describe each person's position and name the concept that captures the mismatch within each person's profile.

(c) In one or two sentences, state what the comparison shows about the difference between the two frameworks.

Worked solution
Answer:

(a) Marx: class is relation to the means of production; neither owns productive capital that employs labour, so both sit outside the bourgeoisie, and Marcus's windfall only matters if he converts it into capital. (b) Weber: class (economic), status (honour or prestige), party (power). Nadia: modest class, high status, moderate power; Marcus: high class, low status, low power. The mismatch is status inconsistency. (c) Marx reduces stratification to one economic dimension; Weber shows that wealth, prestige and power can vary independently.

(a) A Marxian ranking. For Marx, class is defined by a person's relation to the means of production: the bourgeoisie own productive property and employ labour; the proletariat sell their labour. Neither Nadia nor Marcus owns a business that employs others. Nadia lives on a pension earned as a salaried employee; Marcus's wealth is a windfall held as deposits and a house. A strict Marxian reading places both outside the owning class; Marcus's money would matter only if he converted it into capital, say by buying a firm, and Nadia's prestige does not register at all.

(b) Weber's three dimensions. In Class, Status, Party, Weber argued that stratification has three distinct bases:

  • Class is economic position, especially the resources and skills a person brings to the market.
  • Status (Stand) is social honour or prestige, expressed in lifestyle and social acceptance.
  • Party is power, the ability to influence collective decisions, often through organizations.

Nadia ranks modestly on class (a pension), high on status (deference, press attention, board invitations) and moderately on party (board seats give her a say in institutions). Marcus ranks high on class ($9 million), low on status (excluded from the club) and low on party (no committee roles). Each is high on one dimension and low on another, a mismatch sociologists call status inconsistency.

(c) What the comparison shows. Marx reduces stratification to a single economic axis, so he cannot explain why a wealthy man is snubbed or a modestly paid woman is honoured. Weber's multidimensional model treats wealth, prestige and power as related but independent, which is why the same society can rank the two people in opposite orders depending on the dimension chosen.

Answer: Marx ranks by ownership of productive property, leaving both outside the capitalist class; Weber separates class, status and party, revealing status inconsistency in both profiles.

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